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  1. The University of London, 1858-1900: The Politics of Senate and Convocation: (31 July 2004)In 1858 the University - in reality an examining board - opened its non- medical examinations to candidates irrespective of how they prepared themselves. At the same time, graduates could join the newly established Convocation, for four decades empowered to veto changes in the University's Charter, choose a quarter of the governing body the Senate, and, from 1868, elect the University's MP. This book analyses the delicate and often stressful relations of Senate and Convocation, covering the long struggle over admission of women to degrees; the contribution of the University to secondary education; the establishment of the University's seat in the House of Commons, and the subsequent elections of Members. Later chapters describe the extended campaign to change the institution into an orthodox university, and the political struggles and academic manoeuvring that attended the process. F.M.G. WILLSON has retired from an academic and administrative career in Zimbabwe, North America, London and Australia.FMG Willson

    Source: (31 July 2004)

  2. Lobbying for Justice: Organized Interests Supreme Court Nominations, and United States Senate: American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 42, No. 2. (1998), pp. 499-523.Theory : By providing information to senators and their constituents about how nominees are likely to behave on the Court if confirmed; and by communicating information about constituents' preferences through grassroots lobbying campaigns, interest groups help shape senators' preferences for nominees and inform them about the appropriate importance to attach to constituency preferences. Hypotheses: We argue that interest groups play an important role in shaping senators' decisions. The empirical implication of our argument is that unless some account of groups' lobbying efforts is included in models used to explain congressional voting, the importance of traditional predictors such as ideology and constituency will be exaggerated. Method: Using data from surveys of organized interests' activities on the Bork, Souter, and Thomas nominations, we estimate the coefficients for our model with a two-stage OLS-probit procedure. Results: Our empirical analyses indicate that interest group lobbying has a statistically significant effect on senators' confirmation votes on all three nominations.Gr egory Caldeira, John Wright

    Source: American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 42, No. 2. (1998), pp. 499-523.

  3. Courting Constituents? An Analysis of the Senate Confirmation Vote on Justice Clarence Thomas: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 86, No. 4. (1992), pp. 997-1003.The increasing public attention paid to Supreme Court nominations has elevated the salience of Senate confirmation battles, raising interesting questions about the impact of constituency preferences on senators' voting behavior. In this article, we explore this relationship using a logistical regression model to examine the impacts of African-Americ an constituency size and the proximity of reelection on the roll call behavior of senators on the Clarence Thomas confirmation vote. Our analyses indicate that these factors were both statistically and substantively significant in the Thomas case. We conclude by discussing the theoretical and practical implications of such findings.Marvi n Overby, Beth Henschen, Michael Walsh, Julie Strauss

    Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 86, No. 4. (1992), pp. 997-1003.

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